THE preventable deaths of about a dozen tourists in River Swat have shown how Pakistan continues to grapple with the devastating impact of climate vulnerabilities.
Climate risks are interprovincial and multi-sectoral. There is a disconnect between well-intentioned policies and their effective implementation oversight by apex institutions, largely due to coordination and operational bottlenecks. Our climate governance architecture encompasses at least six apex councils, in addition to several commissions, authorities, boards and autonomous bodies. These institutions collectively form the backbone of our administrative state, designed to ensure coherent climate policy implementation and democratic oversight.
Infrequent institutional meetings: At the heart of our climate governance difficulties is insufficient coordination and the infrequent convening of vital policymaking bodies. Many institutions, despite constitutional or statutory mandates for regular meetings, struggle to maintain a consistent schedule. For example, the Council of Common Interests, crucial for interprovincial climate policy coordination, meets far less often than constitutionally required. Similarly, the National Economic Council (NEC) frequently misses its mandated biannual gatherings, hindering the alignment of economic planning with climate targets.
A closer look reveals direct impediments to sectoral progress. The National Security Council, despite acknowledging non-traditional threats in its National Security Policy (2021), has primarily focused on conventional security issues, neglecting crucial decisions on climate-induced risks and threats. This oversight prevents the systematic integration of climate security into national planning.
In water management, the Pakistan Water Council’s single meeting since its inception in 2018 means crucial opportunities for a unified approach to the nation’s severe water crisis are missed, leaving Pakistan without cohesive climate-integrated water strategies. Even more striking, the Pakistan Environmental Protection Council, despite its coordination mandate, has convened just twice in four decades, leaving a significant void as Pakistan faces escalating environmental challenges. It has not convened stakeholders since the 18th Amendment was passed. The Pakistan Climate Change Council, designed to spearhead climate action across sectors, has also met far less often than its required biannual schedule since its creation in 2017.
Addressing climate action gaps is fundamental to transforming our aspirations into action.
Despite our extreme vulnerability, climate considerations and coordination remain virtually absent across the six councils, hindering comprehensive planning to address climate threats. Some national commissions grapple with similar dilemmas. For disaster management, for example, the National Disaster Management Commission’s infrequent meetings since its inception in 2010 prevent interprovincial coordination and the systematic integration of climate science into disaster risk management.
Approval bottlenecks: Many other institutions face delays due to required formal approval for key appointments. Frequent delays in leadership appointments at the Pakistan Agricultural Research Council, Pakistan Council for Research on Water Resources and the Pakistan Council for Science & Technology have routinely hindered development in climate-resilient agriculture, water and scientific research.Examples abound where the lack of high-level engagement has compromised the integration of climate into national development strategies, leading to critical climate decisions being delayed or overlooked.
These challenges have tangible consequences for climate commitments. For example, the ambitious 60 per cent renewable electricity goal by 2030 is hindered by lack of provincial coordination. Similarly, the National Adaptation Plan needs strong cross-sectoral coordination, but dormant key bodies leave adaptation efforts fragmented.
Pathways to reform: These are chronic challenges, yet opportunities exist to address them. The prime minister can convene a joint meeting of the six apex councils, along with the planning and other commissions, to craft a shared vision. It will boost coordination of the national climate agenda, and not only help clear the existing backlog but also inject renewed vigour into languishing institutions. The latter include the National Commission for Science & Technology — Pakistan’s apex body for science and technology development and the National Commission on the Status of Women(NSCW) — a marginalised institution mandated to promote gender equity. Such a collaborative approach is vital for revitalising institutional effectiveness and accelerating Pakistan’s climate action.
There are at least two examples where the PM’s powers are effectively delegated. The finance minister has become the de facto head of the NEC. The Planning Commission has historically been managed by the deputy chairman. Can this functioning model be replicated to appoint deputy chairmen of all the six councils as well as commissions for managing routine functioning? The delegated authority arrangements with prime ministerial oversight could significantly enhance operational continuity.
Streamlining appointment processes is crucial for preventing prolonged leadership vacancies. Some professional bodies have successfully elected chairmen — the Pakistan Engineering Council has had at least 12 chosen since its inception in 1976. Pakistan has also experimented with parliamentary committees partially overseeing chairperson selections.
Finally, a systemic challenge arises from the fact that the concerned ministries are not always prompt in initiating the necessary summaries for meetings. This presents the potential for a conflict of interest when the ministry itself is responsible for driving discussions that might involve critical self-assessment or policy adjustments. To address this, an independent cell, potentially housed within the PM’s office, could proactively maintain a roster of upcoming meetings and help the executive office clear backlogs, thereby enhancing whole-of-government coordination and efficiency.
After all, Pakistan’s journey towards climate resilience is intrinsically linked to the effectiveness of its apex institutions. While the nation has articulated climate policies and commitments, the present challenges stem from institutional shortcomings. Addressing these governance issues, leadership gaps and coordination failures is not merely an administrative task; it is fundamental to transforming our climate aspirations into tangible action.
The path forward requires sustained political commitment to reform, recognising that robust institutional effectiveness is the bedrock upon which successful climate action is built. The urgency of this endeavour cannot be overstated as the costs of inaction continue to mount.
The writer is a climate change and sustainable development expert.
Published in Dawn, July 17th, 2025
